CHAPTER XII
FOUNDATION PROJECTS
FOUNDATION PROJECTS
The new France; Richelieu on the horizon
While Vincent de Paul was successfully overcoming the
last great crisis of his life, a new France was emerging from
the first confused years after Louis XIII began to govern the
country himself, (1617 1624). This new France would witness
the end of Spanish domination and would eventually claim
supremacy in Europe. One name is irrevocably linked with the
task of forging France's greatness and that name is
Richelieu.
On 29th April, 1624, the Bishop of Luçon who two years earlier had been raised to the purple and made a Cardinal, rejoined the Royal Council and assumed the function, if not the name, of Prime Minister. He had been dismissed seven years previously and it took all the astuteness and tenacity of this second son of an aristocratic family, to overcome the King's resistance. The King mistrusted Richelieu's ambition for power and feared his intelligence which was widely recognised. Marie de Medici, the Queen Mother whom the courtesan Bishop had served and attended, not without self interest, for the seven years she was in conflict with her son, pleaded his cause with all the womanly passion she could muster. Little did she then suspect the irreparable damage her intervention would cause.
Richelieu, who was always a cautious man, took one step at a time to achieve the objective he had set his heart on; to gain the confidence of the King and, ultimately, to wield absolute power. In the six years from 1624 1630 he had to temporise, because there were still powerful forces opposed to his taking power. These forces were headed by Bérulle, the leader of the Queen's Council. From the outset Richelieu's actions followed a clearly defined policy. This policy may have been formulated at a later date but it has often been summarised in some lines from his "Political Testament" which was probably drawn up in 1638; "I swear to Your Majesty that I will spare no effort and I will use all the powers you have been pleased to bestow on me, to put an end to the Huguenot faction, to humble the pride of the barons and bring all your subjects to fulfil their obligations to you and to raise your name to its rightfully exalted position among foreign nations." Whether this policy document was drawn up beforehand or not, these four propositions encapsulate the work of one of France's greatest politicians of all time.
The country immediately sensed that a new style of government and a different political programme were beginning to emerge. The new policy would affirm the King's power over dissident factions (Huguenots or barons) within the realm. Itwas a policy that defended national interests and resolutely pursued the goal of French supremacy abroad, especially with regard to Spain and the Austrian Empire. It must be said that it was also a policy that would bring in its train a long period of misery and suffering for an important part of the nation; for the poor who were ground down by taxes, forgotten by the government, crushed by every army and victims of every campaign. It was precisely to these poor people that Vincent de Paul had dedicated his life, and on more than one occasion we will see his path cross that of the all powerful Minister. At the very time that Richelieu was taking the reins of power into his own hands, Vincent was thinking of formally establishing his work and seeing what had been "The Mission" become "The Congregation of the Mission." [1]
"Our First Foundress"
Who was the first person to think of changing Vincent's individual apostolate into a project for establising a new community? Vincent liked to repeat, with boring insistency, that it was Mde. de Gondi. It was she who urged Vincent to preach at Folleville the first sermon of the Mission on the day after the peasant from Gannes had made his confession. She recognised the terrible inadequacy of spiritual care, brought to light by that first sermon as well as by her experience as a young woman when her confessor didn't know the words of absolution, and she decided to extend the benefits of the mission to all the estates that she and her husband owned. To put the work on a solid and permanent footing she got Vincent to ask different communities to be responsible for it. These requests were unsuccessful. After consultation with their Major Superiors, the Jesuits made it known through their Provincial, Father Charlet, that they couldn't take on the foundation as it was contrary to the aims of their Institute. The Oratorians also refused and so did other communities. In her will, which she renewed every year, Mde. de Gondi began to assign the sum of 16,000 livres to any community that would be responsible for preaching missions throughout her domains.
Meanwhile, Vincent continued his work as travelling preacher in the towns and villages, and was always accompanied by temporary helpers who were often drawn from the most illustrious and zealous clergy of Paris. It was Mde. de Gondi, too, who had the idea, "Why shouldn't M. Vincent turn that fluctuating group of misssioners into a new community dedicated to preaching missions and why shouldn't be direct it himself"? [2] After much reflection Vincent agreed. The plan evolved slowly. In a few years time, (as we shall see later) its definitive form would be settled in a formal contract between M. and Mde. de Gondi on the one hand, and Vincent de Paul on the other. So Vincent was right to call the General's wife "our first foundress." [3] The Company was indebted to her for both financial backing and for being the inspiration behind its foundation. But we shouldn't be completely taken in by appearances.
Vincent, with his profound and perceptive humility, is past master at attributing to others the ideas that he has quietly slipped into their minds. Be that as it may, the year 1642 is the year when Richelieu effectively assumed power, and the year when Vincent began to shape the Congregation he had in mind.
"God delivered me from hastiness"
To Vincent's way of thinking, not all the obstacles had been surmounted. His delicacy of conscience after his conversion experience raised two different types of doubt in his mind. Firstly, when he heard confessions, and this was an indispensible part of preaching missions, he was frequently subjected to temptations against chastity. Would it not be better to give up this work rather than lose his peace of soul or even risk damnation? Secondly, the idea of founding the Congregation filled him with such joy, and such a sense of urgency, that he began to wonder if it really came from God or if it was merely a natural impulse or even, perhaps, a suggestion from the devil.
Divine objectives need divine assistance. Vincent made two retreats; one at the Carthusian monastery of Valprofonde and the other at Soissons. During the first retreat, a Carthusian dispelled his fears by reminding him of the story of a Bishop in the early Church who experienced temptations whenever he baptised women.
"He begged God many times to deliver him from this temptation but as God didn't grant his prayer he finally lost patience and retired to the desert. God showed him three crowns, one of which was more precious than the others. This was the one that God had prepared for him if he had persevered, and God told him he would only win the smallest crown since he had not trusted in him to keep him from falling into temptation." "This example," concluded St. Vincent, who was telling the story to one of his companions who was constantly tormented by scruples, dispelled a very similar temptation that I experienced at that time as I fulfilled the duties of my vocation." [4]
The second difficulty was more subtle. The account we have of it reveals Vincent's attitude towards the project of founding the Congregation of the Mission, something he attributed to Mde. de Gondi. It also shows, indirectly, his preoccupation with the question which was so central to the asceticism of his day; the discernment of spirits.
"When I began to plan the establishment of the Mission my constant concern was about the spirit that inspired me to do this. I was in a state of doubt and didn't know whether the idea was just a natural impulse or some suggestion of the evil one. I made a retreat at Soissons for the particular intention that God might take from me the pleasure I felt in this project and my urgent desire to see it accomplished. God was pleased to hear me and he rid me both of this desire and my over hastiness, leaving me in quite the opposite dispositions." [5]
Confidence in God and holy indifference; Vincent is painfully acquiring those dispositions of soul that will transform him into a docile instrument of God's will. Let us take a quick glance at the ground he has covered from the time he was an impatient man, as we know from his letter in captivity, to the mature person who works things out; from being someone who light heartedly plans his own life, to becoming a man who will scrupulously seek out signs from Providence. This change has left its mark on his life. From now on he will desire to remain
"faithful to the practice of not abandoning or embarking on any enterprise while I am so buoyed up with hope at the thought of all the good that might be achieved." [6]
It was precisely when he put aside every natural impulse that God's work was most tangibly evident. The last obstacles had been overcome. The final impetus was to come from the man who, together with Bérulle and Francis de Sales, was most influential in bringing about Vincent's spiritual
transformation.
The impetus given by Duval
In his efforts to be completely submissive to God's will, Vincent was guided by Benet Canfield's "Rule of Perfection" and had learnt that if God's will is made known by interior promptings of grace, it is even more clearly revealed through the will of Superiors. At Soissons he had reached the state of complete spiritual indifference. He thought this was a sign that his plans for founding the Company were of divine origin. He wanted something more; he needed to know that the work was positively willed by God. So he went off to discuss the matter with his spiritual director, André Duval.
In the Sorbonne doctor's austere and almost monastic room, Vincent gave a minute account of his works, his experiences and his hopes. He spoke about the peasants' spiritual poverty; their ignorance of their religion, their hunger for the bread of God's word, the frightening lack of good pastors in country parishes, the success of the missions and the blessings these had received from God. It was a long monologue during which he poured out his soul to this man, as he would have done to God himself. At last he fell silent and he trembled as he waited for his director's response. Duval gave it in a single sentence from Scripture; "Servus sciens voluntaten Domini et non faciens, vapulabit multis". "The servant who knows his master's will and neglects to do it, will receive many strokes of the lash."
As soon as he heard these words Vincent felt in his heart a powerful upsurge of grace. It was the divine mandate he had been seeking. He hesitated no longer. God was calling him, and those who wished to follow him, to dedicate themselves completely to the mission of bringing the word of God to country areas; to preach, catechise, hear confessions, settle disputes in a word, to offer every kind of spiritual help to the people in the villages. After God, and after Mde. de Gondi, the good M. Duval was the Founder of the new Company. It was he who had cut the last cable that moored the little barque, and had provided the decisive impetus which would launch it into the deep waters of the Church. [7]
Preparations for take off.
Vincent's progress was not confined to the spiritual life. Experience had taught him to prepare carefully every step of his career, to anticipate any difficulties that might arise, and to provide himself in advance with the necessary resources for achieving his objective. The founding of a new Congregation called for serious preparation. Above all, he had to make sure that there would be support for his ideas and he would have to be very careful about administration.
This realistic approach to life was one of Vincent's chief charcteristics, and three particular things he did in 1624 are clear evidence of this.
First of all he acquired a new benefice, the Priory of Saint Nicolas de Grosse Sauve, in the diocese of Langres, which was granted to him by the Holy Father. We have this information from a legal document dated 7th Feb. 1624. It is a deed authorising a solicitor to take possession of the Priory in Vincent's name. The solicitor was not named, as was common practice with this type of document, so that the name could be filled in later. It would seem that this was never done, so we can take it that Vincent did not take possession of the Priory. This is hardly surprising as St. Nicolas de Grosse Sauve was not, in fact, vacant. A year earlier, on 22nd June, 1623, it had been given to the Oratorians by Sebastian Comet, Bishop of Langres. So there was a clash of interes between the Bishop's nomination in favour of Bérulle's community, and Vincent's nomination by Rome. This is not an isolated case in that era's tangled legislative jungle. As it happened, the Bishop's decision prevailed, and was confirmed by Letters Patent from the King and recorded by the Parlement of Paris. In 1627, three years after Vincent's unsuccessful nomination, further Letters Patent gave new responsibilities and granted new favours to the Oratorians in charge of the Priory. [8]
Should we read into Vincent's tardy nomination for a new, and quite considerable benefice, yet another attempt on his part to secure a "decent retirement" and add to the positions he had accumulated during the second decade of the century? Neither Vincent's state of mind in 1624 nor the advanced stage his plans had reached, would support this theory. We should rather think of it as his first attempt to provide living quarters for the Congregation he had in mind and secure for it some financial backing. When attempt failed because of the obstacles mentioned earlier, Vincent and the de Gondis looked for other solutions to the problem.
In fact, just one month later, on 2nd March, 1624, there was another similar document authorising two priests, Father Blaise Feron and Father Antoine Portail, to take possession of the Collège de Bons Enfants, of the University of Paris, in the name of Vincent de Paul who, the previous day, had been named director and chaplain of the said College by Jean François de Gondi, the General's brother. This time the
formalities were observed and there was no delay in taking
over the property. On the 16th March, Antoine de Portail, in
virtue of the authority delegated to him, repeated Vincent's ritual at Clichy; he opened and closed the College church, knelt down to pray before the crucifix and the statue of Our Lady, kissed the altar, took his seat in the rector's chair, rang the bells, went through the outbuildings, entered and then left the principal's room and opened and closed the doors of the main building... [9]
In this second document there is a minor, but for us an important variation, because it gives us interesting information about Vincent's preparations for his new life. The two procurators of the Bons Enfants are named, and we have the first reference to Vincent's degree in Canon Law. Apparently he had only recently obtained this degree. In the document relating to his nomination for Grosse Sauve he is referred to simply as "priest of Clichy la Garonne". So he must have acquired his new academic title after that. It would seem that in the free time left to him after his apostolic journeys, his duties in the de Gondi household, his work as chaplain to the galleys and director of the Visitation nuns, he found time to study for his law degree. This information should be considered too, in the context of his plans for founding the Company. If the cradle of the new Company was going to be a University College then its director should have more qualifications than the ordinary degree in theology Vincent had obtained after those now long distant years of study in Toulouse.
The "Bons Enfants" was something more than we would understand by the term "College" today. It is better translated as college "for children of the aristocracy" rather than the traditional rendering of college "for good sons" or "for good children" and it took in students who had scholarships from the Sorbonne. Founded in the thirteenth century by the King, Saint Louis, and restored in the fifteenth century by Jean Playette, ex rector of the Sorbonne, in Vincent's time the college was on the point of closing down. Louis de Guyart, the former director or "principal", to use the academic term, made it available to the Archbishop in return for an annual income of 200 livres. It covered approximately 1,600 sq. metres but most of the buildings were in ruins and completely uninhabitable. Anyway, it would do to house the small group of missionaries that constituted the first nucleus of the infant community. [10]
Vincent didn't move to his new residence straight away. His duties as chaplain and spiritual director kept him at the de Gondi's house, close to his illustrious penitent. He was detained, too, by other duties he had taken on previously. He was still titular parish priest of Clichy. The last things he did here as parish priest are recorded in the report of a pastoral visitation made by the Archbishop of Paris, on 9th October, 1624. The Archbishop found everything in good order; the parish priest had no complaints about his people and the faithful were happy with their priests. Altars, sacristy, vestments and sacred vessels were all clean and in good condition; the Divine Office was celebrated according to the rubrics, catechism was taught, the registers were up to date, there were 300 communicants and 100 parishioners had been confirmed. Through the good work done by his assistant, Grégoire le Coust, Vincent was able to watch over the spiritual welfare of his parishioners. [11] It might have been Vincent himself who suggested this episcopal visitation just before his departure to take up his new duties as Founder. He liked to leave everything in good order.
"I never called M. de Saint Cyran master"
Meanwhile, Vincent's circle of friends was widening. The various positions he held, and the new acquaintances these brought, opened increasingly important doors to him. Through Bérulle he came into contact with one of the most restless and influential minds of that epoch; someone who was to unleash on the Church in France, the most serious crisis it suffered that century. This was the famous and controversial Jean Duvergier de Hauranne, abbot of Saint Cyran (1581 1643). The two men were almost compatriots. [12] Saint Cyran, as he was commonly called, was born in Bayonne right next to the Landes region of Gascony which was Vincent's birthplace.
There was a very practical reason why the two men should meet. A nephew of Saint Cyran had been arrested in Spain for his part in a forgery crime. Bérulle thought that Vincent might use his influence with Mde. de Gondi who was the sister in law of the French ambassador in Madrid, to have the prisoner set free. It was with this in mind that he arranged a meeting in his own house. [13] According to Vincent, this took place sometime around 1624. [14] One way or another, they would have met anyway. They were both very concerned about Church reforms; both had a great desire for spiritual perfection and both men moved in the same circles. Although their reasons for doing so were different, both venerated the master, Bérulle. At this period, Saint Cyran used to come and talk to the Founder of the Ortorians every evening between six and seven o'clock. He soon became Bérulle's apologist and confidante so the Cardinal entrusted to him his administrative and literary concerns. [15]
Vincent and the abbot of Saint Cyran were kindred spirits. What had started as a casual acquaintance motivated by self interest, ripened into friendship. They often dined together. [16] Monseigneur Pallin, Founder of the Foreign Missions in Paris, would have us believe that they even shared a common purse, [17] but from what we know about their separate living quarters and also the fact that Vincent gave away money shortly afterwards, this expression should not be taken literally. At most it would have meant that they shared the cost of some things.
There were also very considerable differences between Vincent and Saint Cyran. Vincent, who now had close links with Dr. Duval, was distancing himself more and more from Bérulle, whereas Saint Cyran was becoming more deeply involved with him. Vincent's two directors took opposing side in the controversy over the Carmelites' vow of slavery. In other matters the position taken by each party was not so clearly defined.
In spite of his close friendship with Bérulle, Saint Cyran continued for a time to be the friend of Richelieu and undertook to publish his "Instructio Christiana". There was a time when the abbot of Saint Cyran had the not very honourable role of confidante and informer [18] to the Prime Minister, and in return Richelieu offered Saint Cyran an abbey. In spiritual matters Saint Cyran was moving more and more towards a rigorously pessimistic doctrine, taking to extremes Bérulle's teaching about the intrinsic worthlessness of the creature while Vincent trusted more and more to the merciful love of Christ who came to save all men and whose Messianic sign par excellence was the evangelisation of the poor. In the future there would be more serious differences to alienate the two men who met in Bérulle's room one evening in 1624. But that was a secret that the future kept to itself. For the moment, if we are to believe one Jansenist witness, Vincent was "inspired, inflamed and enraptured" by what Saint Cyran said. Yet he never was fully convinced intellectually by Saint Cyran, and in 1639 he would say categorically, "I have never acknowledged M. de Saint Cyran as master". [19]
"Wait patiently for his holy will to be made manifest."
Vincent was to find more lasting support from another friendship that started at this time his friendship with Louise de Marillac (1591 1660). [20] It seems quite extraordinary that Vincent de Paul was forty four years old before he met this woman who was destined to bring into being at least one half of his charitable works. It is also striking that Louise de Marillac should appear at the very moment when support and stimulus from Marguerite de Silly was on the wane. So unless we call it fate, we must see this as the designs of Prvidence.
Vincent must have seen Louise de Marillac before 1624. Louise, who was born in 1591, belonged to a family of high social rank and it was this type of company that Vincent frequented. The Marillac family, who came from Haute Auvergne, could trace its family tree back to the thirteenth century. The most important members of the family at the beginning of the seventeenth century were three brothers, two of whom were called Louis and the other was named Michel. A surprising mixture of politician and saint, Michel was a close friend of Bérulle and his collaborator in the task of bringing St. Teresa's Carmelites into France. He rose to the highest positions in the government; Superintendant of Finances, Keeper of the Seals in 1626, and Prime Minister elect in 1630. The second brother named Louis was a Marshall in the army. The first Louis was not as gifted as his two brothers; he was a less stable character and less successful. This man was Louise's father. He did not recognise her officially since Louise was illegitimate. However, she received an excellent education. Her childhood was spent al the famous Dominican convent at Poissy, and the Prioress there belonged to the de Gondi family. One of the nuns at Poissy was a cousin of Louise. She was well versed in the classics, knew Latin and Greek, and had written or translated various pious works into pure, classical French.
Louise found her cousin was a great teacher. She learnt Latin, studied philosohy, and took up painting but this didn't last for long. In 1604, on the death of her father, she was removed from the convent and placed in a boarding school run by "a poor lady" which turned out to be a sort of sewing workshop and family boarding house, so that she might learn "the skills proper to a woman." Her father's family washed their hands of Louis's offspring. He had left his property to Innocente, a daughter of his second marriage, and Luise had only a modest allowance.
When she was young, Louise tried to enter the Capuchin Order, but was not accepted for health reasons. Her family then arranged a marriage for her and while it wasn't a very brilliant match it was respectable and likely to provide security. On 15th February, 1613, she got married in the church of Saint Gervais, to a gentleman named Antoine le Gras who was one of one of Queen Marie de Medici's Secretaries. After that she would be known by her husband's surname with the prefix "Mademoiselle". This was the recognised form of address at this time, since she was not entitled to be called "Madame" on account of her husband's low status in society. They had a son and called him Michel.
Louise conscientiously carried out her duties as wifeand mother. Perhaps she was too conscientious. Deprived of genuine affection during her childhood, and haunted by the dark shadow of her unknown parentage, she tended towards introspection, scruples and anxiety. From time to time she felt racked by terrible spiritual crises which her directors (and she had very good ones) were not able to relieve. She was directed by Francis de Sales while he was in Paris, and then by Monsignor Le Camus, who was a friend of the Bishop of Geneva, and had inherited his spirituality. She was also able to count on the rather distant affection of her intelligent and spiritual uncle Michel, whose letters to her were full of practical wisdom. Louise suffered. Her sufferings were indescribable. When her husband's long and painful illness began, an illnes which was to last four or five years and cause him to become irritable and uncongenial, she thought, this was a punishment for not being faithful to the vow she made in her youth to join the Capuchins. She began to think it was her duty to leave her husband and son. This notion became a veritable obsession which resulted in a very painful crisis.
On the Feast of the Ascension, 1623, some days after making a vow of widowhood if her husband were to die, Louise suffered the dark night of the soul. Everything was darkness for her. She had doubts about herself, about the immortality of the soul and about the existence of God. They were ten days of terror. Finally, on Pentecost Sunday, in the church of Saint Nicolas des Champs, she was enlightened. Her doubts suddenly vanished. She understood that it was her duty to stay with her husband until God should take him. She would then be free to make vows and dedicate her life to the service of her neighbour. In another revelation she saw her future director, and at that time she felt a certain repugnance towards him. But more than anything else, she felt God was speaking to her. Never again could she doubt his existence for she had so deeply experienced his mysterious, consoling presence. [21]
Shortly after, this purifying experience, she came within Vincent de Paul's sphere of influence. He was the priest she had seen in her vision at Saint Nicolas des Champs. It seems that Monsignor Camus, whose pastoral duties in his diocese of Belley were keeping him very far from Paris, had recommended him.
At first Vincent considered the spiritual direction of this tormented soul to be a burden and a possible hindrance to the commitment he had already made to founding the Congregation of the Mission. Here was another Marguerite de Silly, but aneven greater nuisance. It was only gradually that he came to realise what a wonderful collabortor in the apostolate this woman could become if he showed patience in guiding her. From Vincent, Louise would receive peace of soul and discover the true meaning of her life but Vincent was going to find in Louise the most vitally important woman among all his female co workers. God's ways are mysterious. Just as Vincent is about to begin his great work he has at hand everything he needs. "Wait patiently for God's holy and adorable will to be made manifest", he wrote to Louise in the first letter we still have that was addressed to Mlle. Le Gras. [22] He knew from experience that God's will would always reveal itself eventually.
While Vincent de Paul was successfully overcoming the
last great crisis of his life, a new France was emerging from
the first confused years after Louis XIII began to govern the
country himself, (1617 1624). This new France would witness
the end of Spanish domination and would eventually claim
supremacy in Europe. One name is irrevocably linked with the
task of forging France's greatness and that name is
Richelieu.
On 29th April, 1624, the Bishop of Luçon who two years earlier had been raised to the purple and made a Cardinal, rejoined the Royal Council and assumed the function, if not the name, of Prime Minister. He had been dismissed seven years previously and it took all the astuteness and tenacity of this second son of an aristocratic family, to overcome the King's resistance. The King mistrusted Richelieu's ambition for power and feared his intelligence which was widely recognised. Marie de Medici, the Queen Mother whom the courtesan Bishop had served and attended, not without self interest, for the seven years she was in conflict with her son, pleaded his cause with all the womanly passion she could muster. Little did she then suspect the irreparable damage her intervention would cause.
Richelieu, who was always a cautious man, took one step at a time to achieve the objective he had set his heart on; to gain the confidence of the King and, ultimately, to wield absolute power. In the six years from 1624 1630 he had to temporise, because there were still powerful forces opposed to his taking power. These forces were headed by Bérulle, the leader of the Queen's Council. From the outset Richelieu's actions followed a clearly defined policy. This policy may have been formulated at a later date but it has often been summarised in some lines from his "Political Testament" which was probably drawn up in 1638; "I swear to Your Majesty that I will spare no effort and I will use all the powers you have been pleased to bestow on me, to put an end to the Huguenot faction, to humble the pride of the barons and bring all your subjects to fulfil their obligations to you and to raise your name to its rightfully exalted position among foreign nations." Whether this policy document was drawn up beforehand or not, these four propositions encapsulate the work of one of France's greatest politicians of all time.
The country immediately sensed that a new style of government and a different political programme were beginning to emerge. The new policy would affirm the King's power over dissident factions (Huguenots or barons) within the realm. Itwas a policy that defended national interests and resolutely pursued the goal of French supremacy abroad, especially with regard to Spain and the Austrian Empire. It must be said that it was also a policy that would bring in its train a long period of misery and suffering for an important part of the nation; for the poor who were ground down by taxes, forgotten by the government, crushed by every army and victims of every campaign. It was precisely to these poor people that Vincent de Paul had dedicated his life, and on more than one occasion we will see his path cross that of the all powerful Minister. At the very time that Richelieu was taking the reins of power into his own hands, Vincent was thinking of formally establishing his work and seeing what had been "The Mission" become "The Congregation of the Mission." [1]
"Our First Foundress"
Who was the first person to think of changing Vincent's individual apostolate into a project for establising a new community? Vincent liked to repeat, with boring insistency, that it was Mde. de Gondi. It was she who urged Vincent to preach at Folleville the first sermon of the Mission on the day after the peasant from Gannes had made his confession. She recognised the terrible inadequacy of spiritual care, brought to light by that first sermon as well as by her experience as a young woman when her confessor didn't know the words of absolution, and she decided to extend the benefits of the mission to all the estates that she and her husband owned. To put the work on a solid and permanent footing she got Vincent to ask different communities to be responsible for it. These requests were unsuccessful. After consultation with their Major Superiors, the Jesuits made it known through their Provincial, Father Charlet, that they couldn't take on the foundation as it was contrary to the aims of their Institute. The Oratorians also refused and so did other communities. In her will, which she renewed every year, Mde. de Gondi began to assign the sum of 16,000 livres to any community that would be responsible for preaching missions throughout her domains.
Meanwhile, Vincent continued his work as travelling preacher in the towns and villages, and was always accompanied by temporary helpers who were often drawn from the most illustrious and zealous clergy of Paris. It was Mde. de Gondi, too, who had the idea, "Why shouldn't M. Vincent turn that fluctuating group of misssioners into a new community dedicated to preaching missions and why shouldn't be direct it himself"? [2] After much reflection Vincent agreed. The plan evolved slowly. In a few years time, (as we shall see later) its definitive form would be settled in a formal contract between M. and Mde. de Gondi on the one hand, and Vincent de Paul on the other. So Vincent was right to call the General's wife "our first foundress." [3] The Company was indebted to her for both financial backing and for being the inspiration behind its foundation. But we shouldn't be completely taken in by appearances.
Vincent, with his profound and perceptive humility, is past master at attributing to others the ideas that he has quietly slipped into their minds. Be that as it may, the year 1642 is the year when Richelieu effectively assumed power, and the year when Vincent began to shape the Congregation he had in mind.
"God delivered me from hastiness"
To Vincent's way of thinking, not all the obstacles had been surmounted. His delicacy of conscience after his conversion experience raised two different types of doubt in his mind. Firstly, when he heard confessions, and this was an indispensible part of preaching missions, he was frequently subjected to temptations against chastity. Would it not be better to give up this work rather than lose his peace of soul or even risk damnation? Secondly, the idea of founding the Congregation filled him with such joy, and such a sense of urgency, that he began to wonder if it really came from God or if it was merely a natural impulse or even, perhaps, a suggestion from the devil.
Divine objectives need divine assistance. Vincent made two retreats; one at the Carthusian monastery of Valprofonde and the other at Soissons. During the first retreat, a Carthusian dispelled his fears by reminding him of the story of a Bishop in the early Church who experienced temptations whenever he baptised women.
"He begged God many times to deliver him from this temptation but as God didn't grant his prayer he finally lost patience and retired to the desert. God showed him three crowns, one of which was more precious than the others. This was the one that God had prepared for him if he had persevered, and God told him he would only win the smallest crown since he had not trusted in him to keep him from falling into temptation." "This example," concluded St. Vincent, who was telling the story to one of his companions who was constantly tormented by scruples, dispelled a very similar temptation that I experienced at that time as I fulfilled the duties of my vocation." [4]
The second difficulty was more subtle. The account we have of it reveals Vincent's attitude towards the project of founding the Congregation of the Mission, something he attributed to Mde. de Gondi. It also shows, indirectly, his preoccupation with the question which was so central to the asceticism of his day; the discernment of spirits.
"When I began to plan the establishment of the Mission my constant concern was about the spirit that inspired me to do this. I was in a state of doubt and didn't know whether the idea was just a natural impulse or some suggestion of the evil one. I made a retreat at Soissons for the particular intention that God might take from me the pleasure I felt in this project and my urgent desire to see it accomplished. God was pleased to hear me and he rid me both of this desire and my over hastiness, leaving me in quite the opposite dispositions." [5]
Confidence in God and holy indifference; Vincent is painfully acquiring those dispositions of soul that will transform him into a docile instrument of God's will. Let us take a quick glance at the ground he has covered from the time he was an impatient man, as we know from his letter in captivity, to the mature person who works things out; from being someone who light heartedly plans his own life, to becoming a man who will scrupulously seek out signs from Providence. This change has left its mark on his life. From now on he will desire to remain
"faithful to the practice of not abandoning or embarking on any enterprise while I am so buoyed up with hope at the thought of all the good that might be achieved." [6]
It was precisely when he put aside every natural impulse that God's work was most tangibly evident. The last obstacles had been overcome. The final impetus was to come from the man who, together with Bérulle and Francis de Sales, was most influential in bringing about Vincent's spiritual
transformation.
The impetus given by Duval
In his efforts to be completely submissive to God's will, Vincent was guided by Benet Canfield's "Rule of Perfection" and had learnt that if God's will is made known by interior promptings of grace, it is even more clearly revealed through the will of Superiors. At Soissons he had reached the state of complete spiritual indifference. He thought this was a sign that his plans for founding the Company were of divine origin. He wanted something more; he needed to know that the work was positively willed by God. So he went off to discuss the matter with his spiritual director, André Duval.
In the Sorbonne doctor's austere and almost monastic room, Vincent gave a minute account of his works, his experiences and his hopes. He spoke about the peasants' spiritual poverty; their ignorance of their religion, their hunger for the bread of God's word, the frightening lack of good pastors in country parishes, the success of the missions and the blessings these had received from God. It was a long monologue during which he poured out his soul to this man, as he would have done to God himself. At last he fell silent and he trembled as he waited for his director's response. Duval gave it in a single sentence from Scripture; "Servus sciens voluntaten Domini et non faciens, vapulabit multis". "The servant who knows his master's will and neglects to do it, will receive many strokes of the lash."
As soon as he heard these words Vincent felt in his heart a powerful upsurge of grace. It was the divine mandate he had been seeking. He hesitated no longer. God was calling him, and those who wished to follow him, to dedicate themselves completely to the mission of bringing the word of God to country areas; to preach, catechise, hear confessions, settle disputes in a word, to offer every kind of spiritual help to the people in the villages. After God, and after Mde. de Gondi, the good M. Duval was the Founder of the new Company. It was he who had cut the last cable that moored the little barque, and had provided the decisive impetus which would launch it into the deep waters of the Church. [7]
Preparations for take off.
Vincent's progress was not confined to the spiritual life. Experience had taught him to prepare carefully every step of his career, to anticipate any difficulties that might arise, and to provide himself in advance with the necessary resources for achieving his objective. The founding of a new Congregation called for serious preparation. Above all, he had to make sure that there would be support for his ideas and he would have to be very careful about administration.
This realistic approach to life was one of Vincent's chief charcteristics, and three particular things he did in 1624 are clear evidence of this.
First of all he acquired a new benefice, the Priory of Saint Nicolas de Grosse Sauve, in the diocese of Langres, which was granted to him by the Holy Father. We have this information from a legal document dated 7th Feb. 1624. It is a deed authorising a solicitor to take possession of the Priory in Vincent's name. The solicitor was not named, as was common practice with this type of document, so that the name could be filled in later. It would seem that this was never done, so we can take it that Vincent did not take possession of the Priory. This is hardly surprising as St. Nicolas de Grosse Sauve was not, in fact, vacant. A year earlier, on 22nd June, 1623, it had been given to the Oratorians by Sebastian Comet, Bishop of Langres. So there was a clash of interes between the Bishop's nomination in favour of Bérulle's community, and Vincent's nomination by Rome. This is not an isolated case in that era's tangled legislative jungle. As it happened, the Bishop's decision prevailed, and was confirmed by Letters Patent from the King and recorded by the Parlement of Paris. In 1627, three years after Vincent's unsuccessful nomination, further Letters Patent gave new responsibilities and granted new favours to the Oratorians in charge of the Priory. [8]
Should we read into Vincent's tardy nomination for a new, and quite considerable benefice, yet another attempt on his part to secure a "decent retirement" and add to the positions he had accumulated during the second decade of the century? Neither Vincent's state of mind in 1624 nor the advanced stage his plans had reached, would support this theory. We should rather think of it as his first attempt to provide living quarters for the Congregation he had in mind and secure for it some financial backing. When attempt failed because of the obstacles mentioned earlier, Vincent and the de Gondis looked for other solutions to the problem.
In fact, just one month later, on 2nd March, 1624, there was another similar document authorising two priests, Father Blaise Feron and Father Antoine Portail, to take possession of the Collège de Bons Enfants, of the University of Paris, in the name of Vincent de Paul who, the previous day, had been named director and chaplain of the said College by Jean François de Gondi, the General's brother. This time the
formalities were observed and there was no delay in taking
over the property. On the 16th March, Antoine de Portail, in
virtue of the authority delegated to him, repeated Vincent's ritual at Clichy; he opened and closed the College church, knelt down to pray before the crucifix and the statue of Our Lady, kissed the altar, took his seat in the rector's chair, rang the bells, went through the outbuildings, entered and then left the principal's room and opened and closed the doors of the main building... [9]
In this second document there is a minor, but for us an important variation, because it gives us interesting information about Vincent's preparations for his new life. The two procurators of the Bons Enfants are named, and we have the first reference to Vincent's degree in Canon Law. Apparently he had only recently obtained this degree. In the document relating to his nomination for Grosse Sauve he is referred to simply as "priest of Clichy la Garonne". So he must have acquired his new academic title after that. It would seem that in the free time left to him after his apostolic journeys, his duties in the de Gondi household, his work as chaplain to the galleys and director of the Visitation nuns, he found time to study for his law degree. This information should be considered too, in the context of his plans for founding the Company. If the cradle of the new Company was going to be a University College then its director should have more qualifications than the ordinary degree in theology Vincent had obtained after those now long distant years of study in Toulouse.
The "Bons Enfants" was something more than we would understand by the term "College" today. It is better translated as college "for children of the aristocracy" rather than the traditional rendering of college "for good sons" or "for good children" and it took in students who had scholarships from the Sorbonne. Founded in the thirteenth century by the King, Saint Louis, and restored in the fifteenth century by Jean Playette, ex rector of the Sorbonne, in Vincent's time the college was on the point of closing down. Louis de Guyart, the former director or "principal", to use the academic term, made it available to the Archbishop in return for an annual income of 200 livres. It covered approximately 1,600 sq. metres but most of the buildings were in ruins and completely uninhabitable. Anyway, it would do to house the small group of missionaries that constituted the first nucleus of the infant community. [10]
Vincent didn't move to his new residence straight away. His duties as chaplain and spiritual director kept him at the de Gondi's house, close to his illustrious penitent. He was detained, too, by other duties he had taken on previously. He was still titular parish priest of Clichy. The last things he did here as parish priest are recorded in the report of a pastoral visitation made by the Archbishop of Paris, on 9th October, 1624. The Archbishop found everything in good order; the parish priest had no complaints about his people and the faithful were happy with their priests. Altars, sacristy, vestments and sacred vessels were all clean and in good condition; the Divine Office was celebrated according to the rubrics, catechism was taught, the registers were up to date, there were 300 communicants and 100 parishioners had been confirmed. Through the good work done by his assistant, Grégoire le Coust, Vincent was able to watch over the spiritual welfare of his parishioners. [11] It might have been Vincent himself who suggested this episcopal visitation just before his departure to take up his new duties as Founder. He liked to leave everything in good order.
"I never called M. de Saint Cyran master"
Meanwhile, Vincent's circle of friends was widening. The various positions he held, and the new acquaintances these brought, opened increasingly important doors to him. Through Bérulle he came into contact with one of the most restless and influential minds of that epoch; someone who was to unleash on the Church in France, the most serious crisis it suffered that century. This was the famous and controversial Jean Duvergier de Hauranne, abbot of Saint Cyran (1581 1643). The two men were almost compatriots. [12] Saint Cyran, as he was commonly called, was born in Bayonne right next to the Landes region of Gascony which was Vincent's birthplace.
There was a very practical reason why the two men should meet. A nephew of Saint Cyran had been arrested in Spain for his part in a forgery crime. Bérulle thought that Vincent might use his influence with Mde. de Gondi who was the sister in law of the French ambassador in Madrid, to have the prisoner set free. It was with this in mind that he arranged a meeting in his own house. [13] According to Vincent, this took place sometime around 1624. [14] One way or another, they would have met anyway. They were both very concerned about Church reforms; both had a great desire for spiritual perfection and both men moved in the same circles. Although their reasons for doing so were different, both venerated the master, Bérulle. At this period, Saint Cyran used to come and talk to the Founder of the Ortorians every evening between six and seven o'clock. He soon became Bérulle's apologist and confidante so the Cardinal entrusted to him his administrative and literary concerns. [15]
Vincent and the abbot of Saint Cyran were kindred spirits. What had started as a casual acquaintance motivated by self interest, ripened into friendship. They often dined together. [16] Monseigneur Pallin, Founder of the Foreign Missions in Paris, would have us believe that they even shared a common purse, [17] but from what we know about their separate living quarters and also the fact that Vincent gave away money shortly afterwards, this expression should not be taken literally. At most it would have meant that they shared the cost of some things.
There were also very considerable differences between Vincent and Saint Cyran. Vincent, who now had close links with Dr. Duval, was distancing himself more and more from Bérulle, whereas Saint Cyran was becoming more deeply involved with him. Vincent's two directors took opposing side in the controversy over the Carmelites' vow of slavery. In other matters the position taken by each party was not so clearly defined.
In spite of his close friendship with Bérulle, Saint Cyran continued for a time to be the friend of Richelieu and undertook to publish his "Instructio Christiana". There was a time when the abbot of Saint Cyran had the not very honourable role of confidante and informer [18] to the Prime Minister, and in return Richelieu offered Saint Cyran an abbey. In spiritual matters Saint Cyran was moving more and more towards a rigorously pessimistic doctrine, taking to extremes Bérulle's teaching about the intrinsic worthlessness of the creature while Vincent trusted more and more to the merciful love of Christ who came to save all men and whose Messianic sign par excellence was the evangelisation of the poor. In the future there would be more serious differences to alienate the two men who met in Bérulle's room one evening in 1624. But that was a secret that the future kept to itself. For the moment, if we are to believe one Jansenist witness, Vincent was "inspired, inflamed and enraptured" by what Saint Cyran said. Yet he never was fully convinced intellectually by Saint Cyran, and in 1639 he would say categorically, "I have never acknowledged M. de Saint Cyran as master". [19]
"Wait patiently for his holy will to be made manifest."
Vincent was to find more lasting support from another friendship that started at this time his friendship with Louise de Marillac (1591 1660). [20] It seems quite extraordinary that Vincent de Paul was forty four years old before he met this woman who was destined to bring into being at least one half of his charitable works. It is also striking that Louise de Marillac should appear at the very moment when support and stimulus from Marguerite de Silly was on the wane. So unless we call it fate, we must see this as the designs of Prvidence.
Vincent must have seen Louise de Marillac before 1624. Louise, who was born in 1591, belonged to a family of high social rank and it was this type of company that Vincent frequented. The Marillac family, who came from Haute Auvergne, could trace its family tree back to the thirteenth century. The most important members of the family at the beginning of the seventeenth century were three brothers, two of whom were called Louis and the other was named Michel. A surprising mixture of politician and saint, Michel was a close friend of Bérulle and his collaborator in the task of bringing St. Teresa's Carmelites into France. He rose to the highest positions in the government; Superintendant of Finances, Keeper of the Seals in 1626, and Prime Minister elect in 1630. The second brother named Louis was a Marshall in the army. The first Louis was not as gifted as his two brothers; he was a less stable character and less successful. This man was Louise's father. He did not recognise her officially since Louise was illegitimate. However, she received an excellent education. Her childhood was spent al the famous Dominican convent at Poissy, and the Prioress there belonged to the de Gondi family. One of the nuns at Poissy was a cousin of Louise. She was well versed in the classics, knew Latin and Greek, and had written or translated various pious works into pure, classical French.
Louise found her cousin was a great teacher. She learnt Latin, studied philosohy, and took up painting but this didn't last for long. In 1604, on the death of her father, she was removed from the convent and placed in a boarding school run by "a poor lady" which turned out to be a sort of sewing workshop and family boarding house, so that she might learn "the skills proper to a woman." Her father's family washed their hands of Louis's offspring. He had left his property to Innocente, a daughter of his second marriage, and Luise had only a modest allowance.
When she was young, Louise tried to enter the Capuchin Order, but was not accepted for health reasons. Her family then arranged a marriage for her and while it wasn't a very brilliant match it was respectable and likely to provide security. On 15th February, 1613, she got married in the church of Saint Gervais, to a gentleman named Antoine le Gras who was one of one of Queen Marie de Medici's Secretaries. After that she would be known by her husband's surname with the prefix "Mademoiselle". This was the recognised form of address at this time, since she was not entitled to be called "Madame" on account of her husband's low status in society. They had a son and called him Michel.
Louise conscientiously carried out her duties as wifeand mother. Perhaps she was too conscientious. Deprived of genuine affection during her childhood, and haunted by the dark shadow of her unknown parentage, she tended towards introspection, scruples and anxiety. From time to time she felt racked by terrible spiritual crises which her directors (and she had very good ones) were not able to relieve. She was directed by Francis de Sales while he was in Paris, and then by Monsignor Le Camus, who was a friend of the Bishop of Geneva, and had inherited his spirituality. She was also able to count on the rather distant affection of her intelligent and spiritual uncle Michel, whose letters to her were full of practical wisdom. Louise suffered. Her sufferings were indescribable. When her husband's long and painful illness began, an illnes which was to last four or five years and cause him to become irritable and uncongenial, she thought, this was a punishment for not being faithful to the vow she made in her youth to join the Capuchins. She began to think it was her duty to leave her husband and son. This notion became a veritable obsession which resulted in a very painful crisis.
On the Feast of the Ascension, 1623, some days after making a vow of widowhood if her husband were to die, Louise suffered the dark night of the soul. Everything was darkness for her. She had doubts about herself, about the immortality of the soul and about the existence of God. They were ten days of terror. Finally, on Pentecost Sunday, in the church of Saint Nicolas des Champs, she was enlightened. Her doubts suddenly vanished. She understood that it was her duty to stay with her husband until God should take him. She would then be free to make vows and dedicate her life to the service of her neighbour. In another revelation she saw her future director, and at that time she felt a certain repugnance towards him. But more than anything else, she felt God was speaking to her. Never again could she doubt his existence for she had so deeply experienced his mysterious, consoling presence. [21]
Shortly after, this purifying experience, she came within Vincent de Paul's sphere of influence. He was the priest she had seen in her vision at Saint Nicolas des Champs. It seems that Monsignor Camus, whose pastoral duties in his diocese of Belley were keeping him very far from Paris, had recommended him.
At first Vincent considered the spiritual direction of this tormented soul to be a burden and a possible hindrance to the commitment he had already made to founding the Congregation of the Mission. Here was another Marguerite de Silly, but aneven greater nuisance. It was only gradually that he came to realise what a wonderful collabortor in the apostolate this woman could become if he showed patience in guiding her. From Vincent, Louise would receive peace of soul and discover the true meaning of her life but Vincent was going to find in Louise the most vitally important woman among all his female co workers. God's ways are mysterious. Just as Vincent is about to begin his great work he has at hand everything he needs. "Wait patiently for God's holy and adorable will to be made manifest", he wrote to Louise in the first letter we still have that was addressed to Mlle. Le Gras. [22] He knew from experience that God's will would always reveal itself eventually.
