CHAPTER XXXIII
M. VINCENT IN THE GOVERNMENT
M. VINCENT IN THE GOVERNMENT
The Italian Cardinal
On the day after Louis XIII died, the Parlement of Paris abrogated part of his last will and testament by conceding to the Queen Mother, "the care of the education and upbringing of the King; and the full, absolute and entire administration of the Kingdom's affairs" until the new monarch's coming of age. The King was then four years and eight months old. [1] This meant that Anne of Austria would be regent for 10 years and have absolute power. Richelieu had kept her in isolation so she was ill prepared to take on such a mission but she had the sense to gather round her a competent team of advisers.
Richelieu had named his successor and this choice was ratified by the King before he died. The inflexible and resolute bishop of Luçon was replaced by another churchman who gave the impression of being more pliable and easily led, but who was basically just as ruthless. This man was the Italian Giulio Mazarino (1602 1661).
Mazarin's political career began when he was a member of the pontifical delegation at the Peace of Cherasco (1631) where he very obviously supported the French. Richelieu recognised the young diplomat's ability and took him under his wing. At the cardinal's request, Mazarin, who was later to become vice legate at Avignon, was appointed nuncio to France (1634 1636). In 1639, and again on the cardinal's advice, Mazarin withdrew from the pontifical service and adopted French nationality. In the years that followed he proved a faithful servant to Richelieu who secured for him the cardinal's hat and recommended him to Louis XIII as his successor. Court gossip has it that he also praised him highly to the Queen in a phrase that was not without a touch of malice, "You will like him, my Lady. He looks like Buckingham." After Richelieu's death, Louis XIII followed this Minister's advice and soon confided matters of state to Mazarin. By May 1643, when the King died, Mazarin was in effect, Prime Minister. The Queen did no more than formally confirm his appointment. So there is little foundation for Collet's suggestion that the Queen had made up her mind to exclude all Richelieu's henchmen from state affairs and that she had intended to dismiss Mazarin but only left him in office at the insistence of Vincent who preached to her about pardoning one's enemies. [2] Mazarin had full control over the government of France throughout the whole regency period and during the first years of Louis XIV's rule.
The Council of Conscience
At the time that Anne of Austria was placing the administration of the kingdom into the hands of Mazarin, she confided the direction of her soul to Vincent de Paul and brought the two men together to direct ecclesiastical affairs in the Council of Conscience. [3] This organisation was already functioning in the last years of Louis XIII's reign. Anne of Austria made it into a more formal institution though it never had any official place in the monarch's system of government. It consisted, really, of a small group of people whose function was to advise the Queen about state affairs which would be her duty in conscience to direct; and in particular, to offer advice about the allocation of benefices, especially bishoprics where the right of appointment had been granted to the French monarchy by the Concordat. Vincent's appointment to the Council meant that Anne of Austria was assured of the collaboration of the men she valued most; Vincent de Paul and Giulio Mazarin.
A very old tradition in Vincentian history often portrays these men as two incompatible and irreconcilable geniuses. Collet, who may have been the first to suggest this, says that Vincent and Mazarin, "had such a different moral outlook that one would be tempted to think that they had studied different gospels." [4] He is just one step away from presenting Mazarin as the Queen's bad angel and Vincent as her good angel. The reality was not as simple as that.
Mazarin is, perhaps, the politician who has had the worst press in French history. During the Fronde, the anti Mazarin propaganda campaign was scandalous and it spared neither his public actions nor his private life. [5] This is something we need to keep in mind when judging the Italian Minister's actions. Whatever his moral failings might be (and these were many; ambition for power, cupidity, vanity, baseness and the desire to win at any cost,) he still possessed some great qualities. Eveyone recognised his affability, his personal charm, his devious cunning, his passion for politics and his efforts to make France a great country and to establish the authority of the monarch. With sureness of touch, he continued Richelieu's work and together with him, was the artificer of his adopted country's greatness. Without Mazarin we wouldn't have had the splendour of Louis XIV's reign. As a politician he subordinated everything, including Church interests, to the good of France. And if he managed at the same time to procure the advancement of his family and to accumulate a colossal personal fortune, then this was a fairly common failing among politicians of that era, and not only in France.
In the early days at least, Vincent de Paul had no reason to oppose Mazarin. In fact he never did oppose him, however much they disagreed. Unlike the cardinal, Vincent was not a politician but a man of God. The clash would come when there was conflict between religion and politics or when Mazarin's natural wariness tended to see Vincent as an enemy. This is how we should interpret Mazarin's notes for in his files Vincent is considered the agent of what might have been an anti Mazarin group which included, among others, Fr. Gondi, Potier, De Noyers, Lambert, La Maignelay... " M. Vincent who is in the ranks of La Menelay, Dans, Lambert and others, is the channel through which everything reaches her Majesty's ears." [6]
Too much importance has been attached to these notes and it has even been suggested that Mazarin felt a morbid resentment against Vincent. It was said that Vincent's name "appeared on every page and nearly every line" of Mazarin's private diary. [7] This is not true. There are fewer than a dozen references to Vincent and they all date back to the first year that Mazarin was in office (1643 1644). These were the months when Mazarin needed to establish his position and to determine that of other personages on the political scene. M. Vincent falls under suspicion because of his links with important people in the opposing faction, especially the de Gondis and some of the Ladies of Charity. Mazarin does not accuse him so much of acting against him as of being used, perhaps, by other people to discredit him in the eyes of the Queen. "They have gone to see M. Vincent and under the pretext of showing affection for the Queen, they tell him..." "De Noyers... claims to have the support of the Jesuits, the monasteries, devout people and especially, M. Vincent..." The only note which accuses Vincent directly is written in Spanish, a language that Mazarin had learnt during his studies at Alcalá and Salamanca. It reads "Fr. Gondi criticised me and so did Fr. Lambert and M. Vincent."
It was just at this time that rumours went around that Vincent had fallen out of favour and had been removed from office. But as Vincent himself said, although
"They possibly didn't want me to hold office any longer it has, for my sins, turned out differently and God has not been pleased to accept the sacrifices I made for this intention. In nomine Domine. I hope they'll grow tired of me some time." [8]
Vincent's irreproachable conduct dispelled this initial mistrust and both men collaborated on many matters. We have ample proof of this. If relations between the two men were never particularly cordial, at least they worked together for the good of France. The bitter feelings engendered by the Fronde would eventually put paid to the "entente" which in general had been very successful.
"That is as false as the devil."
Something else that made for confrontation between the priest and the Minister was the rumoured love affair between Mazarin and Anne of Austria. So much has been written on this subject and the source material is so biased, that it is hard to separate fact from fancy. But the reported marriage of the Queen to her Prime Minister is most definitely false, as is the allegation that Vincent conducted the ceremony. Brother Robineau, one of Vincent's secretaries, speaks of the time that he asked his superior if there was any truth in this rumour. "That is as false as the devil" exclaimed Vincent angrily and the brother adds, "What they were saying about him was untrue; as was the whole question of the marriage. In spite of what people said, there never was such a marriage between these two important people. It was quite untrue." [9] Recent research is proving that good brother Robineau was right. [10].
Leaving aside the marriage question, historians will continue to wonder how intimate was the relationship between Queen and Minister. According to the anti Mazarin pamphleteers, the two were lovers. The fact that a man of such integrity as Vincent continued to be the Queen's spiritual director obliges us to reject such a theory. He would never have consented to be their accomplice in such a flagrant violation of christian morality. And we have to say, too, that such conduct would not be in keeping with the Queen's character or her sincere piety. At the risk of appearing ingenuous, we can only conclude that this was a spiritually based friendship, a more or less platonic relationship; and according to some witnesses, Anne herself recognised this. What we read in novels may sometimes be true.
"Look how M. Vincent is dressed"
Vincent often went to Court to hear his royal penitent's confession or to take part in the meetings of the Council but he was never a courtier. In the beginning he tried his best to avoid both appointments and he never ceased to pray that he would be relieved of them. [11] He begged the Queen not to oblige him to live at Court and to give her consent to his appearing there only when summoned. [12]
The presence of this humble priest soon made itself felt in the palace. His threadbare cassock was very different from the fine habits worn by the abbots and monsignori who went there. Vincent was content with "a modest stipend" aand this provoked some ill concealed smiles. One day Cardinal Mazarin brought him in front of some elegant courtiers. He took hold of the worn sash that Vincent was wearing and said with a smile, "Look how M. Vincent is dressed to come to Court; just look at the beautiful sash he is wearing." The onlookers naturally guffawed at the joke. Underlings always find their master's jokes funny. [13]
Other great lords took the liberty of making jokes that were in even worse taste. The Prince of Condé was returning from Paris with some companions when he spied Vincent ahead, mounted on his white horse and riding in the same direction. The gentlemen of leisure decided to make sport of him. They galloped after him, firing their pistols in the air. Poor Vincent dug his spurs into his horse and joined the race that left him dizzy. "As soon as he comes to a church you'll see him go in and give thanks to God for having escaped from bandits," said the Prince. And indeed, shortly after this, Vincent felt that the danger had passed and he knelt down at the door of the first church he came to on the way. [14]
Such jests were really an admiring tribute to Vincent's kindly simplicity. On another occasion this same Condé, who had done him such a bad turn, showed just how able Vicent was. During one of the early sessions of the Council of Conscience, Condé was in conversation with some gentlemen when Vincent arrived and the Prince invited him to sit down with them. Vincent, with his usual humility, declined.
"My Lord, it is an honour for me even to allowed in your company. I am only the son of a poor swineherd."
"Moribus et vita nobilitatur homo" (it is his conduct and way of living that ennoble a man), replied the Prince and immediately asked him a number of question that made Vincent reveal his solid grasp of theology and canon law.
"Monsieur Vincent, you tell everybody that you are just an ignoramus and yet in a few words you've answered the trickiest questions that the Huguenots put to us", was the Prince's comment.
There was, perhaps, some motive of self interest behind Condé's flattery. Politicians try to make friends with anyone who seems to have a bit of influence. The Queen's increasing esteem for Vincent was a topic of conversation at Court. It was common knowledge that, in obedience to him, she practised mental prayer every day and used the little method that Vincent recommended to the Daughters of Charity, [15] that she made the Jubilee stations with unusual fervour, [16] strictly observed the fast days of Lent, and was almost ready to forbid plays to be performed. [17] Vincent couldn't persuade her to go to this extreme as her Majesty's very Spanish fondness for the theatre prevailed, but he did manage to have indecent and scandalous scenes banned. [18] There was even a rumour that the Queen had petitioned Rome for Vincent to be made a Cardinal. [19] Did she want to revive the Richelieu Bérulle combination of political cardinal and devout cardinal? Neither Mazarin nor Vincent would agree to the proposal; Mazarin for reasons of state and Vincent from humility. The plan, if in fact there ever was one, was just one of many corridor rumours. Vincent's influence would be exercised in other ways and in weightier matters for the good of the Church.
"M. Vincent has more influence with the Queen than I have"
M. Vincent was not, as in often thought, President of the Council of Conscience. [20] That position was held by Mazarin but Vincent was the most influential member of the council. His decision was final, even when he disagreed with the Prime Minister. We know this from two letters; one from Le Tellier, Minister of War, and the other from Mazarin.
During the French occupation of Catalonia there were several proposals to appoint French bishops to vacant dioceses there. In 1645, the French Viceroy, Count d'Harcourt, sent to Paris a list of three names for the bishopric of Solsona. The Minister, Le Tellier, wrote to inform him that where benefices in Catalonia were concerned, the Queen would only listen to the opinion of the French Visitor, Pierre de Marca, whom we mentioned earlier, [22] and that in the case of French benefices she relies entirely on M. Vincent's recommendations.
"As for M. Vincent, she feels so obliged to follow his advice that if the Cardinal nominated as bishop somebody that M. Vincent thought was unsuitable, then she would accept the latter's decision and neither the recommendation of His Eminence or of anybody else would prevail over M. Vincent's decision." [23]
The Cardinal corroborated his representative's statements.
"M. Le Tellier has told you the absolute truth when he assured you that in these matters M. Vincent has more influence with the Queen than I have..." Even I, who know more about her Majesty's intentions than anyone, dare not intervene until M. Vincent has studied the matter as much as he wishes." [24]
The testimony of Le Tellier and Mazarin confirm what we already know from other sources. Even though he wasn't President of the Council, Vincent was its cornerstone. [25] In today's language we would call him the chairman, even though the Council included ecclesiastics of higher rank and some very distinguished laymen. At various times it had among its members the Bishops of Beauvais, Lisieux and Limoges; the Penitentiary of Notre Dame, Chancellor Séguier, the Secretary of State, Hugo de Lionne, Fr. Dinet and others. But Anne of Austria wanted to hear the voice of her conscience and nobody but Vincent de Paul could echo that. This was why he had been appointed. [26]
As we have already indicated, the Council was concerned with all questions which one way or another were matters of conscience for the monarch, especially the business of ecclesiastical appointments. But it also dealt with matters of general religious concern; the suppresion of blasphemy and of duelling, vigilance against heresy, and the censorship of books and theological writings. Anne of Austria regarded the Council as a sort of Ministry of Spiritual Affairs. It may be an exaggeration, though, to describe Mazarin as minister for temporal affairs and Vincent as minister for the spiritual. [27] During the Ancien Régime, the temporal and the spiritual were so interwoven that it would be difficult to trace the dividing line between them.
Criteria and attitudes
Vincent's first concern was to define very precisely the criteria for nomination to office. Almost as soon as he was appointed, he proposed for the Council's approval, a set of rules to be followed for this. By today's standards these rules may not seem to be very rigorous but in his time, even to establish fixed criteria for the process, represented a considerable advance. Among these rules were directives that nobody should be appointed bishop unless he had been a priest for at least a year, and that coadjutor abbesses had to be at least 23 years old and a professed religious for at least 5 years. In a country that had seen children of four years of age appointed bishop, such progress was remarkable. The fact that men appointed as abbots only needed to be 18 years old; priors 16 years old, and canons 14 years old, was an unavoidable evil within the general framework of the customs of those times, and at least it set some limit to the anarchy of former days.[28]
More important than the rules were the candidates. Methodical man that he was, Vincent drew up a list of aspirants in order of merit, ability and needs. As a matter of fact, there was nothing revolutionary about this either, Vincent was a man of his time and he couldn't shake off the mentality that linked high ecclesiastical office with noble birth. In any case it would have been useless to try and act otherwise. But at least he saw to it that appointments were given to worthy candidates. [29]
One thing is certain, beyond any shadow of doubt, Vincent continued to act with complete lack of self interest. He never used his position to obtain wordly favours for himself or for his Congregation. He didn't even seek compensation for losses suffered during the Fronde. [30]
"Blessed be God for the embarrassment I've just been caused."
In a society where the sale of public offices was normal practice, the usual way of obtaining favours was to offer a bribe. Vincent, of course, had some very attractive offers but he never accepted any of them. On one occasion a group of influential people used the services of a mutual friend to offer him the tempting sum of 100,000 livres for his support in a matter which, while it was not immoral, could have been prejudicial to the interests of the clergy. Vincent's response was emphatic, "God preserve me. I would rather die than say anything on the subject." [31] At other times there were promises of support for a house of the Congregation, [32] of influence in an important lawsuit, [33] the gift of a library. [34] As opposed to bribery, there were also threats, calumny and abuse. All these were used against Vincent by people whose hopes had been disappointed. [35] The best known anecdote on this subject concerns a lady of high rank. She had requested that her daughter, who was a novice at the time, be made abbess. Vincent opposed the appointment and the good lady's indignation knew no bounds. She went round all the Court with her protests and levelled all manner of insults against Vincent. He decided to pray her a visit and gently explain why he had refused her request and so make her see reason. In fact, he went to her palace and spoke to her about the dangers attached to being in high office, something that was particularly true for young people; he reminded her of the terrible judgment that people in authority can expect, and he tried to make her see that the highest positions should only be given to those who had shown that they could worthily discharge the duties of lesser offices. It was all in vain. The lady wouldn't listen to reason. She answered Vincent's words with screams and insults and, at the height of her wrath, she grabbed the nearest stool and hurled it, in fury, at his head. Vincent dodged the blow, and without losing his composure, he made her a deep bow and left the room. As they went downstairs he said to his companion, "Blessed be God for the embarrassment I've just been caused. It was only for his glory that I exposed myself to it" [36]
There were no fixed times for the Council of Conscience to meet. Mazarin sometimes made use of the intervals between sessions to make appointments without Vincent's knowledge. These were little tricks that the astute politician used, to further his own interests and to place his own men in key positions. This didn't always work out the way he wanted. [37] Sometimes, even though the candidate was appointed, the Queen demanded a report from M. Vincent or at least required the new bishop to be sent to him to be instructed in the duties of his office. This was the case with Edouard Molé, son of the first President of the Parlement, who was nominated bishop of Bayeux because of his father's position. Mazarin broke the news to Vincent very circumspectly, giving him to understand how much the Queen was under obligation to the illustrious member of Parlement. Vincent did not consider the son worthy of this high office but as the nomination had been made, the only thing left was to try peaceful persuasion. He went to see the first President and tried to make him understand that his son would not make a good bishop. He ended by saying, "Don't risk bringing the anger of God down on him and on your family. Mattieu Molé was a conscientious man and Vincent's words made a deep impression on him. But he was also a father, and a father who was concerned for his children's future. After thinking the matter over for some time, he believed he had the answer and he told Vincent the solution.
"What terrible nights you have caused me, M. Vincent. Although there's something in what you say, I think that if my son has a good team of wise and prudent ecclesiastics round him, he will be able to tackle his duties."
It was a fait accompli and Vincent could do no more. He left the matter in the hands of Providence. Edouard Molé was not a good bishop. [38]
"The Church in your hands."
Apart from the anecdotes that have been handed down to us, there is no denying the fact that Vincent, through the Council of Conscience, had a very considerable influence on the reform of the Church in France. A new generation of bishops, abbots, canons, priors, holders of benefices, parish priests and vicars held the key posts in the ecclesiastical machinery and they carried the spirit of reform to all parts. The change was quickly noticed and the most discerning observers realised what was happening. In 1648 the Cistercian, Jean Baptiste de la Place (1612 1678), abbot of Val Richer, dedicated his book "L'Union Mystique" to Vincent de Paul in the following words whose flowery, Baroque style can't hide the admiration which Vincent's reform of the bishops had aroused.
"Before the most just of monarch placed the nation's Church in your hands, men were born to the mitre and the ring. You administer the goods of illustrious young men with blind impartiality. Your choice inclines more to rustic knowledge than to noble ignorance, and the virtue that might deplore its cradle of poverty is indebted to you for the throne it has risen to, in preference to others more favoured." [39]
Vincent's infuence on the episcopate lasted long after the candidates' appointment. Many bishops came to consult him, to tell him their problems and ask his advice and recommendations. There is hardly a bishop of that time who didn't have contact with Vincent, either personally or by letter. Vincent always replied with tact and circumspection. We shouldn't be misled by the flowery courtesies of the language he used, courtesies that were exaggerated by the saint's humility. Behind these polite conventions there often was great firmness and a very clear understanding of problems. [40]
Equally important to the reform of the episcopate was the reform of religious orders which Richelieu had started with great determination and which met with fierce opposition. There was a general trend towards a return to a more austere way of life and towards the abolition of abuses. Vincent used his important position in the Council to do everything he could to encourage this. He gave particular help and protection to the Benedictines of St. Maur, the Canons Regular of St. Augustine, the religious of Grandmont, the Dominicans and the Cistercians. As well as the help given to the major religious orders we have to remember what he did for other convents and monasteries, especially the convents of nuns where Vincent laboured day in and day out for the election of worthy prioresses and abbesses, for the suppression of scandals, the elimination of abuses and the reintroduction of their primitive observance. [41]
"My heaviest cross: the Daughters of St. Mary"
In addition to his work for the Council of Conscience, Vincent was directly responsible for his other religious order, the Daughters of the Visitation of St. Mary, whose direction in Paris had been confided to him by the two holy founders, Francis de Sales and Jane Frances de Chantal.
Between 1622 and 1660, that is to say for a period of 38 years, Vincent was the ecclesiastical superior of the first Visitation monastery in Paris and of the three later foundations; that of St. Jacques in 1626, that of St. Denis in 1639 and that of Montorgueil in 1660. He very nearly had to take charge, too, of the monastery at Chaillot which was founded in 1651. The first monastery also had an annexe in the convent of Sainte Madeleine. Although this was an independent foundation for repentant women or "Magdalens", from 1639 onwards it was directed by four Visitation nuns acting as Superior and Councillors. [42]
The Superior's duties were many. He had to preside at the monthly Chapter, make the canonical visitation, give talks and spiritual conferences, be present at the elections, at profession and clothing ceremonies, celebrate the major Feasts of the Order, designate confessors, accept new foundations and appoint the nuns who would be placed there. [43]
Vincent's close relationship with Francis de Sales and Jane Chantal helped him to keep alive the spirit of the founders in their daughters. The nuns were extremely grateful for the benefits that came from Vincent's direction. They appreciated his spiritual discernment, his zeal for the observance of rule, his kindly firmness in giving correction. A number of chosen souls, Mother Hélène Angélique Lhuiller (1592 1655), Mother Anne de Beaumont (+ 1656), Mother Anne Marie Bollain (1599 1683), and many others that it would be tedious to mention, found in Vincent, consolation in their spiritual trials, the prudent and realistic advice they needed, and spiritual direction. [44]
Some extraordinary events happened and Vincent's intervention was looked upon as miraculous. There was one nun who was tempted to despair and was driven to utter terrible blasphemies against God and sacred things. She even went so far as to say that her only God was the devil. A tiny piece of St. Francis de Sales' surplice and St. Vincent's prayers quickly restored her to health even though the efforts of various prelates, religious and doctors had all failed. [45] On another occasion a lay sister became seriously ill. Vincent went to see her and when the good nun told him that she was ready to die Vincent, who had great regard for her virtue, replied gently, "Oh no sister, not yet," and bending over her he traced the sign of the cross on her forehead. The sister felt that she was instantly cured and she had no more pain or fever. [46]
Did Vincent have anything to do with the vocation of the famous Mlle. de Lafayette, Louis XIII's favourite? It was Richelieu who urged her to become a nun so that he could dispose of a rival for the monarch's favour, and this was the indirect cause of the downfall of the Jesuit, Caussin, who was the King's confessor. Vincent's involvement in the affairwas strictly in accordance with his official duties as Superior of the monastery.
Neither was it Vincent's responsibility to supervise the education of the Visitation nuns' pupils, who included young ladies of the highest rank. Any suggestions to the contrary are completely without foundation. [47] On some occasions he made recommendations about disciplinary matters concerning the students where these affected the religious life of the community but that was all. One such occasion was when Louis XIV came to Paris with his beautiful young wife, Maria Teresa of Austria, the daughter of Philip IV. This solemn entry took place on 26th August, 1660. Bowing to pressure from the most important people at Court, Vincent gave permission for all the students to go out with their families and watch the magnificent procession. [48]
The social rank of many of the Visitation nuns meant that Vincent had to mix with high society. In one or other of the monasteries would be found the sisters, cousins or nieces of Presidents of Parlement, Royal Councillors, Counts, Marquises, Dukes and royal Princes. This world was not unfamiliar to Vincent as the Ladies of Charity came from the same background. There were family ties between both, and the illustrious family names of the Ladies; Maupéon, Fouquet, Lamoignon, Lhuiller... are found again in the registers of the Visitation nuns.
In all circumstances Vincent acted with the same impartiality. One of the defects of the old religious orders, and something which contributed greatly to their laxity, was the easy way that ladies of high rank used family influence to become prioress or abbess in convents or monasteries. Vincent made sure that such abuses didn't creep into the houses of the Visitation order. With this in mind, he had them draw up a list of people who, according to the deeds of foundation, could be admitted to the convents, and he made no concessions for others. He even refused to allow one of Queen Anne of Austria's ladies in waiting to be accepted into the first monastery. [49]
However, Vincent felt ill at ease with this huge task; not so much because it involved mixing with high society but because the Rules forbade missionaries to undertake the spiritual direction of nuns. Vincent feared he was giving bad example to the Company but defended himself by saying he was acting in obedience to Church authorities.
"It is true that I am acting out of step in directing the Daughters of St. Mary but I want you to understand that this duty was confided to me before ever the Mission existed; this duty was imposed on me, for my sins, by the blessed bishop of Geneva. On rather, I should say, by Providence because I find it a cross, the hardest cross I have to bear, but one that I am obliged to carry though I have made many efforts to be free of it." [50]
We know, in fact, some of the steps he took. After making his retreat in 1646, he took the resolution to resign and he even went on a sort of strike, not putting a foot in the monasteries for 18 months. But the coadjutor bishop of Paris, under pressure from his aunt, the Marquise de Maignelay, who was an important patron of the Visitation nuns, obliged him to resume office. [51] Shortly before his death he again tendered his resignation. Again the titular archbishop refused to accept it. [52] By this time Vincent had become an institution and nobody could imagine anyone else leading the works he had founded or directed.
Morality and orthodoxy
The Council of Conscience was also concerned with many other aspects of the moral and religious life of the nation. One of these was the suppression of blasphemy. Vincent had the decrees prohibiting blasphemy renewed as a matter of urgency and he collaborated with the efforts made in this direction by the other great apostle of his time, the famous Fr. Claude Barnard, who was known as "the poor priest." Another scourge of this period was duelling, and this was vigorously attacked by the Company of the Blessed Sacrament which had the support of Vincent's implacable opposition to the practice, and his many efforts to eradicate it: He was no less active in the struggle to prevent harmful books from being published. There was a striking increase in the number of these that appeared during the turbulent years of the Fronde. Vincent alerted the Council of Conscience and secured the confiscation of published copies and a ban on the printing of others. [53]
Vincent also opposed the Huguenots who often went beyond the concessions allowed them by the Edict of Nantes and the Peace of Alais. Although he was more inclined towards charitable persuasion than violent repression when dealing with heretics, he was adamant that established laws had to be obeyed. The "enlightened movement" which originated in Spain, had disturbing repercussions in France. By 1630 Vincent had already taken part in the investigation into the "guérinets" sect and the outcome judged in favour of the accused. In the Council of Conscience ha had to deal with periodic outbreaks of "illuminism" in convents. He suggested that learned and prudent "Visitors" be sent there and these discovered quite a number of misguided souls. [54]
Another sect, which was known by the rather conventional name of Jansenism, was the most unorthodox of all the movements at that time and it found in Vincent a determined and invincible opponent. But his dealings with the Jansenists need to be treated in a separate chapter and we will return to this subject later.
Some biographers have presented Vincent de Paul's activities in the Council of Conscience as something of a deviation from the main direction his life was taking, an unexpected addition which is difficult to fit into an otherwise unified and coherent career. This is an optical illusion. Vincent's membership of the Council of Conscience is the logical culmination of his vocation as reformer. The Congregation of the Mission and the charities, the two channels of that same call to transform the Church in France from within, had, of necessity, to lead to changes in structures and in the people who had positions of responsibility. There could be no reform of the clergy without a reform of their leaders, the bishops. This was the view held by Vincent's contemporaries and especially by Anne of Austria, so they put into his hands the means of effecting this work. As royal adviser for ecclesiastical affairs, he had it in his power to effect not a political, but a religious and charitable transformation. In 1644 he declared that he would limit his activities in the Council of Conscience to matters of religion and questions concerning the poor. [55] Taken in this light, rather than the emphasis being put on anecddotes about his position on the fringes of political power, Vincents years with the Council of Conscience represent the high point of his career.
On the day after Louis XIII died, the Parlement of Paris abrogated part of his last will and testament by conceding to the Queen Mother, "the care of the education and upbringing of the King; and the full, absolute and entire administration of the Kingdom's affairs" until the new monarch's coming of age. The King was then four years and eight months old. [1] This meant that Anne of Austria would be regent for 10 years and have absolute power. Richelieu had kept her in isolation so she was ill prepared to take on such a mission but she had the sense to gather round her a competent team of advisers.
Richelieu had named his successor and this choice was ratified by the King before he died. The inflexible and resolute bishop of Luçon was replaced by another churchman who gave the impression of being more pliable and easily led, but who was basically just as ruthless. This man was the Italian Giulio Mazarino (1602 1661).
Mazarin's political career began when he was a member of the pontifical delegation at the Peace of Cherasco (1631) where he very obviously supported the French. Richelieu recognised the young diplomat's ability and took him under his wing. At the cardinal's request, Mazarin, who was later to become vice legate at Avignon, was appointed nuncio to France (1634 1636). In 1639, and again on the cardinal's advice, Mazarin withdrew from the pontifical service and adopted French nationality. In the years that followed he proved a faithful servant to Richelieu who secured for him the cardinal's hat and recommended him to Louis XIII as his successor. Court gossip has it that he also praised him highly to the Queen in a phrase that was not without a touch of malice, "You will like him, my Lady. He looks like Buckingham." After Richelieu's death, Louis XIII followed this Minister's advice and soon confided matters of state to Mazarin. By May 1643, when the King died, Mazarin was in effect, Prime Minister. The Queen did no more than formally confirm his appointment. So there is little foundation for Collet's suggestion that the Queen had made up her mind to exclude all Richelieu's henchmen from state affairs and that she had intended to dismiss Mazarin but only left him in office at the insistence of Vincent who preached to her about pardoning one's enemies. [2] Mazarin had full control over the government of France throughout the whole regency period and during the first years of Louis XIV's rule.
The Council of Conscience
At the time that Anne of Austria was placing the administration of the kingdom into the hands of Mazarin, she confided the direction of her soul to Vincent de Paul and brought the two men together to direct ecclesiastical affairs in the Council of Conscience. [3] This organisation was already functioning in the last years of Louis XIII's reign. Anne of Austria made it into a more formal institution though it never had any official place in the monarch's system of government. It consisted, really, of a small group of people whose function was to advise the Queen about state affairs which would be her duty in conscience to direct; and in particular, to offer advice about the allocation of benefices, especially bishoprics where the right of appointment had been granted to the French monarchy by the Concordat. Vincent's appointment to the Council meant that Anne of Austria was assured of the collaboration of the men she valued most; Vincent de Paul and Giulio Mazarin.
A very old tradition in Vincentian history often portrays these men as two incompatible and irreconcilable geniuses. Collet, who may have been the first to suggest this, says that Vincent and Mazarin, "had such a different moral outlook that one would be tempted to think that they had studied different gospels." [4] He is just one step away from presenting Mazarin as the Queen's bad angel and Vincent as her good angel. The reality was not as simple as that.
Mazarin is, perhaps, the politician who has had the worst press in French history. During the Fronde, the anti Mazarin propaganda campaign was scandalous and it spared neither his public actions nor his private life. [5] This is something we need to keep in mind when judging the Italian Minister's actions. Whatever his moral failings might be (and these were many; ambition for power, cupidity, vanity, baseness and the desire to win at any cost,) he still possessed some great qualities. Eveyone recognised his affability, his personal charm, his devious cunning, his passion for politics and his efforts to make France a great country and to establish the authority of the monarch. With sureness of touch, he continued Richelieu's work and together with him, was the artificer of his adopted country's greatness. Without Mazarin we wouldn't have had the splendour of Louis XIV's reign. As a politician he subordinated everything, including Church interests, to the good of France. And if he managed at the same time to procure the advancement of his family and to accumulate a colossal personal fortune, then this was a fairly common failing among politicians of that era, and not only in France.
In the early days at least, Vincent de Paul had no reason to oppose Mazarin. In fact he never did oppose him, however much they disagreed. Unlike the cardinal, Vincent was not a politician but a man of God. The clash would come when there was conflict between religion and politics or when Mazarin's natural wariness tended to see Vincent as an enemy. This is how we should interpret Mazarin's notes for in his files Vincent is considered the agent of what might have been an anti Mazarin group which included, among others, Fr. Gondi, Potier, De Noyers, Lambert, La Maignelay... " M. Vincent who is in the ranks of La Menelay, Dans, Lambert and others, is the channel through which everything reaches her Majesty's ears." [6]
Too much importance has been attached to these notes and it has even been suggested that Mazarin felt a morbid resentment against Vincent. It was said that Vincent's name "appeared on every page and nearly every line" of Mazarin's private diary. [7] This is not true. There are fewer than a dozen references to Vincent and they all date back to the first year that Mazarin was in office (1643 1644). These were the months when Mazarin needed to establish his position and to determine that of other personages on the political scene. M. Vincent falls under suspicion because of his links with important people in the opposing faction, especially the de Gondis and some of the Ladies of Charity. Mazarin does not accuse him so much of acting against him as of being used, perhaps, by other people to discredit him in the eyes of the Queen. "They have gone to see M. Vincent and under the pretext of showing affection for the Queen, they tell him..." "De Noyers... claims to have the support of the Jesuits, the monasteries, devout people and especially, M. Vincent..." The only note which accuses Vincent directly is written in Spanish, a language that Mazarin had learnt during his studies at Alcalá and Salamanca. It reads "Fr. Gondi criticised me and so did Fr. Lambert and M. Vincent."
It was just at this time that rumours went around that Vincent had fallen out of favour and had been removed from office. But as Vincent himself said, although
"They possibly didn't want me to hold office any longer it has, for my sins, turned out differently and God has not been pleased to accept the sacrifices I made for this intention. In nomine Domine. I hope they'll grow tired of me some time." [8]
Vincent's irreproachable conduct dispelled this initial mistrust and both men collaborated on many matters. We have ample proof of this. If relations between the two men were never particularly cordial, at least they worked together for the good of France. The bitter feelings engendered by the Fronde would eventually put paid to the "entente" which in general had been very successful.
"That is as false as the devil."
Something else that made for confrontation between the priest and the Minister was the rumoured love affair between Mazarin and Anne of Austria. So much has been written on this subject and the source material is so biased, that it is hard to separate fact from fancy. But the reported marriage of the Queen to her Prime Minister is most definitely false, as is the allegation that Vincent conducted the ceremony. Brother Robineau, one of Vincent's secretaries, speaks of the time that he asked his superior if there was any truth in this rumour. "That is as false as the devil" exclaimed Vincent angrily and the brother adds, "What they were saying about him was untrue; as was the whole question of the marriage. In spite of what people said, there never was such a marriage between these two important people. It was quite untrue." [9] Recent research is proving that good brother Robineau was right. [10].
Leaving aside the marriage question, historians will continue to wonder how intimate was the relationship between Queen and Minister. According to the anti Mazarin pamphleteers, the two were lovers. The fact that a man of such integrity as Vincent continued to be the Queen's spiritual director obliges us to reject such a theory. He would never have consented to be their accomplice in such a flagrant violation of christian morality. And we have to say, too, that such conduct would not be in keeping with the Queen's character or her sincere piety. At the risk of appearing ingenuous, we can only conclude that this was a spiritually based friendship, a more or less platonic relationship; and according to some witnesses, Anne herself recognised this. What we read in novels may sometimes be true.
"Look how M. Vincent is dressed"
Vincent often went to Court to hear his royal penitent's confession or to take part in the meetings of the Council but he was never a courtier. In the beginning he tried his best to avoid both appointments and he never ceased to pray that he would be relieved of them. [11] He begged the Queen not to oblige him to live at Court and to give her consent to his appearing there only when summoned. [12]
The presence of this humble priest soon made itself felt in the palace. His threadbare cassock was very different from the fine habits worn by the abbots and monsignori who went there. Vincent was content with "a modest stipend" aand this provoked some ill concealed smiles. One day Cardinal Mazarin brought him in front of some elegant courtiers. He took hold of the worn sash that Vincent was wearing and said with a smile, "Look how M. Vincent is dressed to come to Court; just look at the beautiful sash he is wearing." The onlookers naturally guffawed at the joke. Underlings always find their master's jokes funny. [13]
Other great lords took the liberty of making jokes that were in even worse taste. The Prince of Condé was returning from Paris with some companions when he spied Vincent ahead, mounted on his white horse and riding in the same direction. The gentlemen of leisure decided to make sport of him. They galloped after him, firing their pistols in the air. Poor Vincent dug his spurs into his horse and joined the race that left him dizzy. "As soon as he comes to a church you'll see him go in and give thanks to God for having escaped from bandits," said the Prince. And indeed, shortly after this, Vincent felt that the danger had passed and he knelt down at the door of the first church he came to on the way. [14]
Such jests were really an admiring tribute to Vincent's kindly simplicity. On another occasion this same Condé, who had done him such a bad turn, showed just how able Vicent was. During one of the early sessions of the Council of Conscience, Condé was in conversation with some gentlemen when Vincent arrived and the Prince invited him to sit down with them. Vincent, with his usual humility, declined.
"My Lord, it is an honour for me even to allowed in your company. I am only the son of a poor swineherd."
"Moribus et vita nobilitatur homo" (it is his conduct and way of living that ennoble a man), replied the Prince and immediately asked him a number of question that made Vincent reveal his solid grasp of theology and canon law.
"Monsieur Vincent, you tell everybody that you are just an ignoramus and yet in a few words you've answered the trickiest questions that the Huguenots put to us", was the Prince's comment.
There was, perhaps, some motive of self interest behind Condé's flattery. Politicians try to make friends with anyone who seems to have a bit of influence. The Queen's increasing esteem for Vincent was a topic of conversation at Court. It was common knowledge that, in obedience to him, she practised mental prayer every day and used the little method that Vincent recommended to the Daughters of Charity, [15] that she made the Jubilee stations with unusual fervour, [16] strictly observed the fast days of Lent, and was almost ready to forbid plays to be performed. [17] Vincent couldn't persuade her to go to this extreme as her Majesty's very Spanish fondness for the theatre prevailed, but he did manage to have indecent and scandalous scenes banned. [18] There was even a rumour that the Queen had petitioned Rome for Vincent to be made a Cardinal. [19] Did she want to revive the Richelieu Bérulle combination of political cardinal and devout cardinal? Neither Mazarin nor Vincent would agree to the proposal; Mazarin for reasons of state and Vincent from humility. The plan, if in fact there ever was one, was just one of many corridor rumours. Vincent's influence would be exercised in other ways and in weightier matters for the good of the Church.
"M. Vincent has more influence with the Queen than I have"
M. Vincent was not, as in often thought, President of the Council of Conscience. [20] That position was held by Mazarin but Vincent was the most influential member of the council. His decision was final, even when he disagreed with the Prime Minister. We know this from two letters; one from Le Tellier, Minister of War, and the other from Mazarin.
During the French occupation of Catalonia there were several proposals to appoint French bishops to vacant dioceses there. In 1645, the French Viceroy, Count d'Harcourt, sent to Paris a list of three names for the bishopric of Solsona. The Minister, Le Tellier, wrote to inform him that where benefices in Catalonia were concerned, the Queen would only listen to the opinion of the French Visitor, Pierre de Marca, whom we mentioned earlier, [22] and that in the case of French benefices she relies entirely on M. Vincent's recommendations.
"As for M. Vincent, she feels so obliged to follow his advice that if the Cardinal nominated as bishop somebody that M. Vincent thought was unsuitable, then she would accept the latter's decision and neither the recommendation of His Eminence or of anybody else would prevail over M. Vincent's decision." [23]
The Cardinal corroborated his representative's statements.
"M. Le Tellier has told you the absolute truth when he assured you that in these matters M. Vincent has more influence with the Queen than I have..." Even I, who know more about her Majesty's intentions than anyone, dare not intervene until M. Vincent has studied the matter as much as he wishes." [24]
The testimony of Le Tellier and Mazarin confirm what we already know from other sources. Even though he wasn't President of the Council, Vincent was its cornerstone. [25] In today's language we would call him the chairman, even though the Council included ecclesiastics of higher rank and some very distinguished laymen. At various times it had among its members the Bishops of Beauvais, Lisieux and Limoges; the Penitentiary of Notre Dame, Chancellor Séguier, the Secretary of State, Hugo de Lionne, Fr. Dinet and others. But Anne of Austria wanted to hear the voice of her conscience and nobody but Vincent de Paul could echo that. This was why he had been appointed. [26]
As we have already indicated, the Council was concerned with all questions which one way or another were matters of conscience for the monarch, especially the business of ecclesiastical appointments. But it also dealt with matters of general religious concern; the suppresion of blasphemy and of duelling, vigilance against heresy, and the censorship of books and theological writings. Anne of Austria regarded the Council as a sort of Ministry of Spiritual Affairs. It may be an exaggeration, though, to describe Mazarin as minister for temporal affairs and Vincent as minister for the spiritual. [27] During the Ancien Régime, the temporal and the spiritual were so interwoven that it would be difficult to trace the dividing line between them.
Criteria and attitudes
Vincent's first concern was to define very precisely the criteria for nomination to office. Almost as soon as he was appointed, he proposed for the Council's approval, a set of rules to be followed for this. By today's standards these rules may not seem to be very rigorous but in his time, even to establish fixed criteria for the process, represented a considerable advance. Among these rules were directives that nobody should be appointed bishop unless he had been a priest for at least a year, and that coadjutor abbesses had to be at least 23 years old and a professed religious for at least 5 years. In a country that had seen children of four years of age appointed bishop, such progress was remarkable. The fact that men appointed as abbots only needed to be 18 years old; priors 16 years old, and canons 14 years old, was an unavoidable evil within the general framework of the customs of those times, and at least it set some limit to the anarchy of former days.[28]
More important than the rules were the candidates. Methodical man that he was, Vincent drew up a list of aspirants in order of merit, ability and needs. As a matter of fact, there was nothing revolutionary about this either, Vincent was a man of his time and he couldn't shake off the mentality that linked high ecclesiastical office with noble birth. In any case it would have been useless to try and act otherwise. But at least he saw to it that appointments were given to worthy candidates. [29]
One thing is certain, beyond any shadow of doubt, Vincent continued to act with complete lack of self interest. He never used his position to obtain wordly favours for himself or for his Congregation. He didn't even seek compensation for losses suffered during the Fronde. [30]
"Blessed be God for the embarrassment I've just been caused."
In a society where the sale of public offices was normal practice, the usual way of obtaining favours was to offer a bribe. Vincent, of course, had some very attractive offers but he never accepted any of them. On one occasion a group of influential people used the services of a mutual friend to offer him the tempting sum of 100,000 livres for his support in a matter which, while it was not immoral, could have been prejudicial to the interests of the clergy. Vincent's response was emphatic, "God preserve me. I would rather die than say anything on the subject." [31] At other times there were promises of support for a house of the Congregation, [32] of influence in an important lawsuit, [33] the gift of a library. [34] As opposed to bribery, there were also threats, calumny and abuse. All these were used against Vincent by people whose hopes had been disappointed. [35] The best known anecdote on this subject concerns a lady of high rank. She had requested that her daughter, who was a novice at the time, be made abbess. Vincent opposed the appointment and the good lady's indignation knew no bounds. She went round all the Court with her protests and levelled all manner of insults against Vincent. He decided to pray her a visit and gently explain why he had refused her request and so make her see reason. In fact, he went to her palace and spoke to her about the dangers attached to being in high office, something that was particularly true for young people; he reminded her of the terrible judgment that people in authority can expect, and he tried to make her see that the highest positions should only be given to those who had shown that they could worthily discharge the duties of lesser offices. It was all in vain. The lady wouldn't listen to reason. She answered Vincent's words with screams and insults and, at the height of her wrath, she grabbed the nearest stool and hurled it, in fury, at his head. Vincent dodged the blow, and without losing his composure, he made her a deep bow and left the room. As they went downstairs he said to his companion, "Blessed be God for the embarrassment I've just been caused. It was only for his glory that I exposed myself to it" [36]
There were no fixed times for the Council of Conscience to meet. Mazarin sometimes made use of the intervals between sessions to make appointments without Vincent's knowledge. These were little tricks that the astute politician used, to further his own interests and to place his own men in key positions. This didn't always work out the way he wanted. [37] Sometimes, even though the candidate was appointed, the Queen demanded a report from M. Vincent or at least required the new bishop to be sent to him to be instructed in the duties of his office. This was the case with Edouard Molé, son of the first President of the Parlement, who was nominated bishop of Bayeux because of his father's position. Mazarin broke the news to Vincent very circumspectly, giving him to understand how much the Queen was under obligation to the illustrious member of Parlement. Vincent did not consider the son worthy of this high office but as the nomination had been made, the only thing left was to try peaceful persuasion. He went to see the first President and tried to make him understand that his son would not make a good bishop. He ended by saying, "Don't risk bringing the anger of God down on him and on your family. Mattieu Molé was a conscientious man and Vincent's words made a deep impression on him. But he was also a father, and a father who was concerned for his children's future. After thinking the matter over for some time, he believed he had the answer and he told Vincent the solution.
"What terrible nights you have caused me, M. Vincent. Although there's something in what you say, I think that if my son has a good team of wise and prudent ecclesiastics round him, he will be able to tackle his duties."
It was a fait accompli and Vincent could do no more. He left the matter in the hands of Providence. Edouard Molé was not a good bishop. [38]
"The Church in your hands."
Apart from the anecdotes that have been handed down to us, there is no denying the fact that Vincent, through the Council of Conscience, had a very considerable influence on the reform of the Church in France. A new generation of bishops, abbots, canons, priors, holders of benefices, parish priests and vicars held the key posts in the ecclesiastical machinery and they carried the spirit of reform to all parts. The change was quickly noticed and the most discerning observers realised what was happening. In 1648 the Cistercian, Jean Baptiste de la Place (1612 1678), abbot of Val Richer, dedicated his book "L'Union Mystique" to Vincent de Paul in the following words whose flowery, Baroque style can't hide the admiration which Vincent's reform of the bishops had aroused.
"Before the most just of monarch placed the nation's Church in your hands, men were born to the mitre and the ring. You administer the goods of illustrious young men with blind impartiality. Your choice inclines more to rustic knowledge than to noble ignorance, and the virtue that might deplore its cradle of poverty is indebted to you for the throne it has risen to, in preference to others more favoured." [39]
Vincent's infuence on the episcopate lasted long after the candidates' appointment. Many bishops came to consult him, to tell him their problems and ask his advice and recommendations. There is hardly a bishop of that time who didn't have contact with Vincent, either personally or by letter. Vincent always replied with tact and circumspection. We shouldn't be misled by the flowery courtesies of the language he used, courtesies that were exaggerated by the saint's humility. Behind these polite conventions there often was great firmness and a very clear understanding of problems. [40]
Equally important to the reform of the episcopate was the reform of religious orders which Richelieu had started with great determination and which met with fierce opposition. There was a general trend towards a return to a more austere way of life and towards the abolition of abuses. Vincent used his important position in the Council to do everything he could to encourage this. He gave particular help and protection to the Benedictines of St. Maur, the Canons Regular of St. Augustine, the religious of Grandmont, the Dominicans and the Cistercians. As well as the help given to the major religious orders we have to remember what he did for other convents and monasteries, especially the convents of nuns where Vincent laboured day in and day out for the election of worthy prioresses and abbesses, for the suppression of scandals, the elimination of abuses and the reintroduction of their primitive observance. [41]
"My heaviest cross: the Daughters of St. Mary"
In addition to his work for the Council of Conscience, Vincent was directly responsible for his other religious order, the Daughters of the Visitation of St. Mary, whose direction in Paris had been confided to him by the two holy founders, Francis de Sales and Jane Frances de Chantal.
Between 1622 and 1660, that is to say for a period of 38 years, Vincent was the ecclesiastical superior of the first Visitation monastery in Paris and of the three later foundations; that of St. Jacques in 1626, that of St. Denis in 1639 and that of Montorgueil in 1660. He very nearly had to take charge, too, of the monastery at Chaillot which was founded in 1651. The first monastery also had an annexe in the convent of Sainte Madeleine. Although this was an independent foundation for repentant women or "Magdalens", from 1639 onwards it was directed by four Visitation nuns acting as Superior and Councillors. [42]
The Superior's duties were many. He had to preside at the monthly Chapter, make the canonical visitation, give talks and spiritual conferences, be present at the elections, at profession and clothing ceremonies, celebrate the major Feasts of the Order, designate confessors, accept new foundations and appoint the nuns who would be placed there. [43]
Vincent's close relationship with Francis de Sales and Jane Chantal helped him to keep alive the spirit of the founders in their daughters. The nuns were extremely grateful for the benefits that came from Vincent's direction. They appreciated his spiritual discernment, his zeal for the observance of rule, his kindly firmness in giving correction. A number of chosen souls, Mother Hélène Angélique Lhuiller (1592 1655), Mother Anne de Beaumont (+ 1656), Mother Anne Marie Bollain (1599 1683), and many others that it would be tedious to mention, found in Vincent, consolation in their spiritual trials, the prudent and realistic advice they needed, and spiritual direction. [44]
Some extraordinary events happened and Vincent's intervention was looked upon as miraculous. There was one nun who was tempted to despair and was driven to utter terrible blasphemies against God and sacred things. She even went so far as to say that her only God was the devil. A tiny piece of St. Francis de Sales' surplice and St. Vincent's prayers quickly restored her to health even though the efforts of various prelates, religious and doctors had all failed. [45] On another occasion a lay sister became seriously ill. Vincent went to see her and when the good nun told him that she was ready to die Vincent, who had great regard for her virtue, replied gently, "Oh no sister, not yet," and bending over her he traced the sign of the cross on her forehead. The sister felt that she was instantly cured and she had no more pain or fever. [46]
Did Vincent have anything to do with the vocation of the famous Mlle. de Lafayette, Louis XIII's favourite? It was Richelieu who urged her to become a nun so that he could dispose of a rival for the monarch's favour, and this was the indirect cause of the downfall of the Jesuit, Caussin, who was the King's confessor. Vincent's involvement in the affairwas strictly in accordance with his official duties as Superior of the monastery.
Neither was it Vincent's responsibility to supervise the education of the Visitation nuns' pupils, who included young ladies of the highest rank. Any suggestions to the contrary are completely without foundation. [47] On some occasions he made recommendations about disciplinary matters concerning the students where these affected the religious life of the community but that was all. One such occasion was when Louis XIV came to Paris with his beautiful young wife, Maria Teresa of Austria, the daughter of Philip IV. This solemn entry took place on 26th August, 1660. Bowing to pressure from the most important people at Court, Vincent gave permission for all the students to go out with their families and watch the magnificent procession. [48]
The social rank of many of the Visitation nuns meant that Vincent had to mix with high society. In one or other of the monasteries would be found the sisters, cousins or nieces of Presidents of Parlement, Royal Councillors, Counts, Marquises, Dukes and royal Princes. This world was not unfamiliar to Vincent as the Ladies of Charity came from the same background. There were family ties between both, and the illustrious family names of the Ladies; Maupéon, Fouquet, Lamoignon, Lhuiller... are found again in the registers of the Visitation nuns.
In all circumstances Vincent acted with the same impartiality. One of the defects of the old religious orders, and something which contributed greatly to their laxity, was the easy way that ladies of high rank used family influence to become prioress or abbess in convents or monasteries. Vincent made sure that such abuses didn't creep into the houses of the Visitation order. With this in mind, he had them draw up a list of people who, according to the deeds of foundation, could be admitted to the convents, and he made no concessions for others. He even refused to allow one of Queen Anne of Austria's ladies in waiting to be accepted into the first monastery. [49]
However, Vincent felt ill at ease with this huge task; not so much because it involved mixing with high society but because the Rules forbade missionaries to undertake the spiritual direction of nuns. Vincent feared he was giving bad example to the Company but defended himself by saying he was acting in obedience to Church authorities.
"It is true that I am acting out of step in directing the Daughters of St. Mary but I want you to understand that this duty was confided to me before ever the Mission existed; this duty was imposed on me, for my sins, by the blessed bishop of Geneva. On rather, I should say, by Providence because I find it a cross, the hardest cross I have to bear, but one that I am obliged to carry though I have made many efforts to be free of it." [50]
We know, in fact, some of the steps he took. After making his retreat in 1646, he took the resolution to resign and he even went on a sort of strike, not putting a foot in the monasteries for 18 months. But the coadjutor bishop of Paris, under pressure from his aunt, the Marquise de Maignelay, who was an important patron of the Visitation nuns, obliged him to resume office. [51] Shortly before his death he again tendered his resignation. Again the titular archbishop refused to accept it. [52] By this time Vincent had become an institution and nobody could imagine anyone else leading the works he had founded or directed.
Morality and orthodoxy
The Council of Conscience was also concerned with many other aspects of the moral and religious life of the nation. One of these was the suppression of blasphemy. Vincent had the decrees prohibiting blasphemy renewed as a matter of urgency and he collaborated with the efforts made in this direction by the other great apostle of his time, the famous Fr. Claude Barnard, who was known as "the poor priest." Another scourge of this period was duelling, and this was vigorously attacked by the Company of the Blessed Sacrament which had the support of Vincent's implacable opposition to the practice, and his many efforts to eradicate it: He was no less active in the struggle to prevent harmful books from being published. There was a striking increase in the number of these that appeared during the turbulent years of the Fronde. Vincent alerted the Council of Conscience and secured the confiscation of published copies and a ban on the printing of others. [53]
Vincent also opposed the Huguenots who often went beyond the concessions allowed them by the Edict of Nantes and the Peace of Alais. Although he was more inclined towards charitable persuasion than violent repression when dealing with heretics, he was adamant that established laws had to be obeyed. The "enlightened movement" which originated in Spain, had disturbing repercussions in France. By 1630 Vincent had already taken part in the investigation into the "guérinets" sect and the outcome judged in favour of the accused. In the Council of Conscience ha had to deal with periodic outbreaks of "illuminism" in convents. He suggested that learned and prudent "Visitors" be sent there and these discovered quite a number of misguided souls. [54]
Another sect, which was known by the rather conventional name of Jansenism, was the most unorthodox of all the movements at that time and it found in Vincent a determined and invincible opponent. But his dealings with the Jansenists need to be treated in a separate chapter and we will return to this subject later.
Some biographers have presented Vincent de Paul's activities in the Council of Conscience as something of a deviation from the main direction his life was taking, an unexpected addition which is difficult to fit into an otherwise unified and coherent career. This is an optical illusion. Vincent's membership of the Council of Conscience is the logical culmination of his vocation as reformer. The Congregation of the Mission and the charities, the two channels of that same call to transform the Church in France from within, had, of necessity, to lead to changes in structures and in the people who had positions of responsibility. There could be no reform of the clergy without a reform of their leaders, the bishops. This was the view held by Vincent's contemporaries and especially by Anne of Austria, so they put into his hands the means of effecting this work. As royal adviser for ecclesiastical affairs, he had it in his power to effect not a political, but a religious and charitable transformation. In 1644 he declared that he would limit his activities in the Council of Conscience to matters of religion and questions concerning the poor. [55] Taken in this light, rather than the emphasis being put on anecddotes about his position on the fringes of political power, Vincents years with the Council of Conscience represent the high point of his career.
